IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade or so, it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has happened in world history. březen Před patnácti lety jsem ve své knize Konec dějin a poslední člověk prohlásil, že chce-li být společnost moderní, neexistuje alternativa k tržnímu. Francis Fukuyama a Samuel Huntington (Konec dějin nebo střet civilizací?) že se nacházíme na konci dějin v důsledku vítězství liberální demokracie jako.
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Believers in this line of thought take the relations that existed between the participants in the classical nineteenth century European balance of power as a model for what a de-ideologized contemporary world would look like. Indeed, according to one academically popular school of international relations theory, conflict inheres in the international system as such, and to understand the prospects for conflict one must look at the shape of the system – for example, whether it is bipolar or multipolar – rather than at the specific character of the nations and regimes that constitute it.
WHAT Fumuyama happened in the four years since Gorbachev’s coming to power is a revolutionary assault on the most fundamental institutions and principles of Stalinism, and their replacement by other principles which do not amount to liberalism per se but whose only connecting thread is liberalism.
The notion that mankind has progressed through a series of primitive stages of consciousness on his path to the present, and that these stages corresponded to concrete forms of social organization, such as tribal, slave-owning, theocratic, and finally democratic-egalitarian societies, has become inseparable from the modern understanding of man.
But while Hegel’s writing and thinking could be stopped by a cejin from the material world, the hand on the trigger of the gun was motivated in turn by the ideas of liberty and equality that had driven the French Revolution.
But let us focus for the time being on the larger and more developed states of the world who after all account for the greater part of world denin. Please note that we moderate comments to ensure the conversation remains topically relevant.
Perhaps this very prospect of centuries of boredom at the end of history will serve to get history started once again.
Konec dějin a poslední člověk : Francis Fukuyama :
Yet while the emptiness at the core of liberalism is most certainly a defect in the ideology – indeed, a flaw that one does not need the perspective of religion to recognize[ 15 ] – it is not at all clear that it is remediable through politics. The rise of religious fundamentalism in recent years within the Christian, Jewish, and Muslim traditions has been widely fikuyama.
We appreciate well-informed comments and welcome your criticism and insight. This was a defeat, of course, on dehin very material level, but it amounted to a defeat of the idea as well.
But that state of consciousness that permits the growth of liberalism seems to stabilize in the way one would expect at the end of history if it is underwritten by the abundance of a modern dejun market economy.
The automatic assumption that Russia shorn of its expansionist communist ideology should pick up where the czars left off just prior to the Bolshevik Revolution is therefore a curious one.
Gorbachev and his allies have consistently maintained that intraparty democracy was somehow the essence of Leninism, and that the various lib era1 practices of open debate, secret ballot elections, and rule of law were all part of the Leninist heritage, corrupted only later by Stalin. While Marxists disagree with Fukuyama’s claim that capitalist democracy represents the end of history, they support the idea that the “end of history” will consist of the victory of democracy: Other less organized religious impulses have been successfully satisfied within the sphere of personal life that is permitted in liberal societies.
Fukuyama argues that even though there is poverty, racismand sexism in present-day democracies, there is no sign of a major revolutionary movement developing that would actually overthrow capitalism. What destroyed fascism as an idea was not universal moral revulsion against it, since plenty of people were willing to endorse the idea as long as it seemed the wave of the future, but its lack of success. Moreover, when Islamic states have actually been created, they were easily dominated by the powerful Western states.
Francis Fukuyama a Samuel Huntington (The End of History or the Clash of Civilizations?)
Views Read Edit View history. Charles Krauthammer, for example, recently explained that if as a result of Gorbachev’s reforms the USSR is shorn of Marxist-Leninist ideology, its behavior will revert to that of nineteenth century imperial Russia. The Wall Street Journal school of deterministic materialism habitually points to the stunning economic success of Asia in the past few decades as evidence of the viability of free market economics, with the implication that all societies would see similar development were they simply to allow their populations to pursue their konwc self-interest fukuysma.
There are, of course, a number of fatal flaws in the current implementation of the reform, most notably the absence of a thoroughgoing price reform. The history at the end of history.
Modus vivendi: Francis Fukuyama: Konec dějin a poslední člověk
I want to avoid the materialist determinism that says that liberal economics inevitably produces liberal politics, because I believe that both economics and politics presuppose an autonomous prior state of consciousness that makes them possible.
I understand that a full explanation of the origins of the reform movements in China and Russia is a good deal more complicated than this simple formula would suggest.
Nevertheless, he expressed his continued belief that “the power of the democratic ideal remains immense. In fact, modern economists, recognizing that man does not always behave as a profit -maximizer, posit a “utility” function, utility being either income or some other good that can be maximized: The essence of Lenin’s democratic centralism was centralism, not democracy; that is, the absolutely rigid, monolithic, and disciplined dictatorship of a hierarchically organized vanguard Communist party, speaking in the name of the demos.
For Hegel, all human behavior in the material world, and hence all human history, is rooted in a prior state of consciousness – an idea similar to the one expressed by John Maynard Keynes when he said that the views of men of affairs were usually derived from defunct economists and academic scribblers of earlier generations. It is still not clear whether the Soviet people are as “Protestant” as Gorbachev and will follow him down that path.
Registration is free and requires only your email address. As such, they are compatible with doctrines and ideologies that do offer such agendas. If your email exists in our system, we’ll send you an email with a link to reset your password.
Weber notes that according to any economic theory that posited man as a rational profit-maximizer, raising the piece-work rate should increase labor productivity. And indeed, a central theme of Weber’s work was to prove that contrary to Marx, the material mode of production, far from being the “base,” was itself a “superstructure” with roots in religion and culture, and that to understand the emergence of modern capitalism and jonec profit motive one had to study their antecedents in the realm of the spirit.
The state that emerges at the end of fukuyaam is liberal insofar as it recognizes and protects dfjin a system of law man’s universal right to freedom, and democratic insofar as it exists only with the consent of the governed.
Please help improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. Although this tends to be an ambiguous word, he uses it in the proper meaning for the time when the book was published.
The other major “contradiction” potentially unresolvable by lonec is the one posed by nationalism and other forms of racial and ethnic consciousness.
To take the “neo-realist” theory seriously, one would have to believe that “natural” competitive behavior would reassert itself among the OECD states were Russia and China to disappear from the face of the earth. Marx, speaking Hegel’s language, asserted that liberal society contained a fundamental contradiction that could not be resolved within its context, that between capital and labor, and this contradiction has constituted the chief accusation against liberalism ever since.
But the root causes of economic inequality do cejin have to do with the underlying legal and social structure of our society, which remains fundamentally egalitarian and moderately redistributionist, so much as with the cultural and social characteristics of the groups that make it fu,uyama, which are in turn the historical legacy of premodern conditions.
Konec dějin a poslední člověk
We might summarize the content of the universal homogenous state as liberal democracy in the political sphere combined with easy access to VCRs and stereos in the economic. The choice it makes will be highly important for us, given the Soviet Union’s size and military strength, for that power will continue to preoccupy us and slow our realization that we have already emerged on the other side of history.
There is a virtual consensus among the currently dominant school of Soviet economists now that central planning and the command system of allocation are the root cause of economic inefficiency, and that if the Soviet system is ever to heal itself, it must permit free and decentralized decision-making with respect to investment, labor, and prices.
For the world at that point would be divided between a part that was historical and a part that was post-historical.
The simple existence of communist China created an alternative pole of ideological attraction, and as such constituted a threat to liberalism.